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(新孟儒学Q&A)问: 马克思的异化理论,为何不走人事合一之路?

答: 先纠正问题的预设。马克思并非没有自己的”人事合一”,他有,只是中介不同。分歧不在”要不要合一”,而在”以什么为中介达成合一”:马克思取消商品交换,让联合体居间;新孟儒学保留交换,只在合同层面消除二次分化,使人与其所成之事直接相合。本文全程不依赖劳动价值论与剩余价值论,剩余价值论仅作被批评的对象。

一、诊断位置相同:人事分离生于社会化的分工与市场

自然经济中,孟母以所织之布请先生教子,人与事本是一体。分工既起,情形便变。许行主张”贤者与民并耕而食”,孟子答曰”百工之事,固不可耕且为也”(《滕文公上》4),并由此立”通功易事”之义:

子不通功易事,以羡补不足,则农有余粟,女有余布;子如通之,则梓匠轮舆皆得食于子。(《滕文公下》4)

在社会化分工下,人所做之功与其所成之事各自入市,人事分离成为常态。这一位置,马克思同样看到了。《资本论》第一卷第四章论劳动力的买卖:劳动者须在双重意义上是”自由人”,既能自由支配自己的劳动力,又除劳动力外一无所有。第五章论劳动过程,产品归资本家而不归直接生产者。第八章论工作日,则是死劳动统治活劳动。《1844年手稿》所谓劳动者创造的对象反过来成为异己力量,说的是同一层事实。

所以异化与人事分离同位。同位不同义:异化只描述”分离了”,没有给出分离的量,见第五节。

二、马克思自己的合一之路:否定之否定

马克思的出路绝不只是”改变所有制”。《资本论》第一卷第二十四章第七节(英译本第32章)说:资本主义私有制是对”个人的、以自己劳动为基础的私有制”的第一个否定;资本主义生产又以自然过程的必然性造成对自身的否定,这是否定的否定。这一否定不是重建私有制,而是在协作和共同占有生产资料的基础上,重新建立个人所有制。

这与自耕农联合体到自由人联合体的正反合同构:自耕农是自由人的古典形式,资产阶级革命对其是一个否定,自由人联合体是否定之否定,故形似自耕农联合体。孟子那里也有这个古典形式:

民之为道也,有恒产者有恒心,无恒产者无恒心。(《滕文公上》3)
方里而井,井九百亩,其中为公田。八家皆私百亩,同养公田。(同上)

私田与公田并存,个人所有与共同事务并存,是”个人所有加共同占有”的古典雏形。所以说马克思只问”谁占有生产资料”,并不准确。他的目的论恰是人与其所成之事的重新合一,在目的上与新孟儒学并无二致。

三、分叉在中介:取消交换,还是保留交换

分叉点在这里。《哥达纲领批判》描述共产主义第一阶段:在生产资料公有的合作社会里,生产者并不交换自己的产品;个人在作了必要扣除之后,从社会领回与自己劳动量相当的消费资料。产品的社会性由联合体直接承认,个人与其所成之事之间隔着一个联合体。

这个安排有两个后果。

第一,人事之间多了一层第三方。个人所得不由其”事”在市场上的交换决定,而由联合体核算分配,事归联合体,人领取份额。这在结构上是”尚同”的形态:中介权力居于人事之间。苏联模式入于墨道,理论根据在此。(此处为结构类比:不主张马克思本人的意图是墨家的,只主张取消交换后的制度形态趋向尚同。)

第二,自然分化失去了信号机制。孟子答许行的要害是:

夫物之不齐,物之情也;或相倍蓰,或相什百,或相千万。子比而同之,是乱天下也。(《滕文公上》4)

物之不齐是市场交换中自然浮现的差异,价格是它的信号。取消交换,联合体就得在没有这一信号的条件下自行判断”物之情”,这正是”比而同之”的危险。《哥达纲领批判》也承认按劳分配仍是”资产阶级权利”,因它默认了个人天赋的不等,是”天然特权”,只是视之为必须在更高阶段克服的弊病;孟子则视之为”物之情”,应当保留。

这一分歧的根源在范畴。马克思的剥削概念以剩余价值为基础,以劳动价值论为前提,复杂劳动被化约为多倍的简单劳动(第一卷第一章第二节)。云儿的 H-O 模型表明,劳动的化约系数由长期供求条件决定,与劳动内在的复杂程度无关。这样,凡超出必要劳动的部分都被算作剥削,自然分化与二次分化无从区分,只能整体扬弃市场。这才是异化理论走不到人事合一的根本原因:它缺少作那一刀所需的范畴。

四、合作工厂:马克思为何止步

《资本论》第三卷第二十七章称工人合作工厂是在旧形式内”第一次突破旧形式”,资本与劳动的对立在其中被扬弃。但他同时指出,合作工厂在现实组织中必然再生产现存制度的一切缺点。

这个”缺点再生产”的判断与他的整体立场一致:单个合作工厂处于资本主义市场之内,受竞争压力驱使,出路仍要落在整体所有制的变革上。合作制因此只是过渡形态,不是制度原则。

新孟儒学的进路不同。它不把合作制当作资本主义内部的飞地,而把它变成合同规则:以”易力为非法”,即禁止将劳动力作为固定成本购买,强制一切劳动关系进入合作框架。论证落点在合同缔结之时。签约双方对未来市场出清的结果处于克奈特意义的不确定性之下,雇佣合同预先将这一不确定性单方面锁定为”资方担风险、劳方领固定工资”。这一安排由制度预设,并非市场自然结果。马克思把不平等放在”生产的隐秘场所”,新孟儒学把它前移到合同时刻的风险分配,问题因而从分配正义转为合同正义。

五、异化缺一把尺

异化说”分离了”,新孟儒学要问”差多少”。

孟子的”事”,指劳动的成果,即孟母之布、先生之教,在今天的语言中是劳动成果的所有权,或称虚拟劳动所有权。劳动者不出卖”事”,只出卖”力”,二者之差即工资与事之产值之差,用经济学语言说,是边际劳动产品收益与实际工资率之差(w*−w),即 wage exploitation。它无须劳动价值论来定义,是二次分化中可计算的部分。(须指出,wage exploitation 仅是二次分化的一部分,另有利息、地租等回路。)

这才是把”异化”还原为”人事分离”时的实质增量:前者是哲学描述,后者带着可度量的缺口。若无这把尺,”还原”便只是换了一个词。

六、竞争均衡能否消解二次分化

这把尺有一个已知的前提:在 yqy 的模型中,w*>w 出自雇主是劳动力市场唯一买主(买方垄断)。在完全竞争的劳动力市场里,工资趋近边际产品收益,wage exploitation 趋于零。由此有一个自然的反驳:二次分化若是竞争不足所致,问题就在反垄断,无须废除雇佣制。

回应有两层。

第一层,均衡是理论极限,不是现实的稳态。 完全竞争均衡要求价格接受者、自由进出、信息完全、劳动同质、无流动摩擦。现实中这些条件无一成立。任何资方在预期收益趋零时,都有动机缩减产出、抬高利润空间,从而使 wage exploitation 重新出现。所以在现实市场中,二次分化不是偶然的偏离,而是资方主动维持的结构性状态。

第二层,问题在合同时刻,不在市场结构。 即使假设竞争充分,雇佣合同仍将不确定性单方面锁定给劳方以外的一方,风险与剩余的对称性在签约之时已被预设的制度打破(见第四节)。这是合同正义的缺口,反垄断无法填补。

七、结语

马克思与新孟儒学同看到人事分离,同以人事重新合一为目的,在诊断位置与终极目标上重合,所以不是简单地说”马克思错了”。分歧在药方:马克思以取消商品交换重建个人所有制,其中介仍是联合体,人与事之间仍隔一层,制度形态入于尚同;新孟儒学保留交换,保留自然分化(物之情),只在合同层面消除二次分化,使人与其所成之事直接相合。异化理论说不出这一刀,因为它的范畴里没有自然分化与二次分化之别。

(新孟儒学Q&A)
问:马克思的异化理论,为何不走人事合一之路?

ChatGPT:如果从你所提出的“人事合一—易事”框架来理解,这个问题其实抓住了马克思理论中的一个关键分叉:

马克思看到了“人”与“事”的分离,却把解决方案主要放在改变生产资料所有制和生产关系上;新孟儒学则可以把同一个问题理解为“人事关系”的重建,即让劳动者重新成为自己所从事之“事”的共同主体。

因此,马克思的异化理论与“人事合一”并非毫无关系,甚至可以说,异化正是人事分离的哲学表达之一;但两者的理论出口不同。

1. 马克思的“异化”究竟是什么?

《1844年经济学哲学手稿》中,马克思讨论的核心并不只是“工作很痛苦”,而是:

劳动者创造的对象,反过来成为支配劳动者的力量。

于是形成几个层面的分离:

  • 人与劳动产品相分离;
  • 人与劳动过程相分离;
  • 人与自己的“类本质”相分离;
  • 人与他人相分离。

可以把它浓缩成:

“人”生产了“事”,但“事”反过来支配“人”。

这已经非常接近你所谓的“人事分离”。

⸻

2. 但马克思的解决方案为什么没有走向“人事合一”?

关键在于马克思把异化的根源首先定位为资本主义生产关系。

劳动者没有生产资料,只能出售自己的劳动力(Arbeitskraft)。

因此形成:

人 → 出售劳动力 → 资本 → 组织生产 → 产品/剩余价值归资本所有

劳动者虽然是生产活动的实际参与者,却不是生产过程和生产成果的最终主体。

马克思于是得出一个非常强的制度性结论:

消除资本对生产资料的私人占有 → 消除雇佣劳动 → 消除资本与劳动的对立 → 生产者重新成为生产的主人。

所以马克思的路线可以概括为:

异化 → 私有制/雇佣劳动 → 阶级对立 → 改变所有制 → 消除异化。

⸻

3. “人事合一”则把问题往前推进了一步

你提出的“易人—易力—易事”三段论,在这里特别有解释力。

可以这样对应:

历史关系“交换”的对象人与事的关系
易人人本身人成为对象
易力劳动力人与自己的劳动能力分离
易事劳动成果/共同事业人重新成为“事”的主体

马克思主要完成了对“易力”的批判:

劳动者不是把“事”作为自己的事业来做,而是把自己的“力”作为商品出售。

而“易事”提出的则是另一种可能:

不是取消交换,而是改变交换的对象及其主体关系。

也就是说,问题不一定是:

“有没有私人所有制?”

而可能是:

“谁拥有并决定生产的事业?谁承担风险?谁分享剩余?谁对最终成果负责?”

这就进入了你所谓的人事合一。

⸻

4. 这也解释了马克思为什么没有自然走向“合作制”

这是最值得进一步研究的一点。

马克思其实已经非常接近这个方向。

例如他在《资本论》中讨论合作、联合生产者以及“自由人联合体”时,已经意识到:

生产者可以摆脱资本家这个中介,直接组织共同生产。

但马克思最终的理论重心仍然是:

生产资料归谁所有?

而你的“易事”理论会继续追问:

生产事业由谁经营?劳动贡献和资本贡献如何结合?剩余索取权如何形成?

这两个问题并不完全相同。

于是就出现一个重要区别:

马克思主要解决“谁拥有生产资料”的问题;人事合一还要解决“谁与生产事业形成主体关系”的问题。

这正是你之前所说的“纯分配”与“合作/合伙结算”的区别。

⸻

5. 所以,“人事合一”并不等于废除私有制

这是你这个理论与传统马克思主义真正分开的地方。

例如一个自耕农:

土地是自己的 → 自己耕作 → 自己承担风险 → 自己获得成果。

这里存在私有财产,但并不存在典型的:

一方拥有生产资料,另一方出售劳动力。

所以:

私有 ≠ 必然异化。

这恰好解释了你最初从“耕者有其田”出发形成“人事合一”的理论来源。

马克思的问题意识可以表达为:

为什么劳动者创造的对象会成为异己力量?

而新孟儒学可以进一步回答:

因为生产者与“事”的主体关系被切断了。

于是解决方案未必只有:

公有化。

还可以是:

让劳动者、资本提供者以及其他生产要素提供者,以主体身份共同进入“事”,按照各自贡献和承担的风险共同结算。

这就是你所说的易事/合作制。

⸻

6. 因而可以把马克思与新孟儒学排列成一个非常漂亮的理论链条

我认为可以这样表述:

马克思发现了“异化”,但主要把异化解释为资本主义生产关系的结果;新孟儒学则可以把异化进一步还原为“人事分离”,并以“易事”作为人事合一的制度形式。

于是:

马克思:

劳动力商品化
↓
人与劳动分离
↓
异化劳动
↓
资本统治
↓
改变所有制

新孟儒学:

人与事分离
↓
易人 → 易力
↓
劳动者成为“力”的出售者
↓
建立人事合一
↓
易事/合作制
↓
生产者重新成为“事”的共同主体

这样看,你所谓的 “马克思主义2.0” 最有理论价值的地方,或许不是简单地说“马克思错了”,而是:

承认马克思对“异化—剥削—雇佣劳动”的诊断,同时把他的解决方案从“所有制革命”推进到“人事关系重建”。

也就是说,马克思的问题是“谁占有生产资料”,而“易事”的问题是“谁成为生产事业的主体”。

这两个问题结合起来,才可能构成你所说的“人事合一”经济哲学。

Interesting topic…..

【Beyond Freedom and Slavery: Status and Membership in the Ancient Confucian Political Community. 】

By Loubna El Amine https://wp.me/P2qUn1-2

From neomencianism viewpoint, Freedom is the main topic under 易力体系/exchange of wage labor;as Slavery under 易人体系/exchange of person。Western thoughts focus on these two words while Confucianism centers on 易事体系/exchange of accomplishments, so to be a moral established gentleman:内圣从夫子,外王从主席。

新孟儒学视野下的美国道路

当然。下面是上文的中文版本,并尽量保留原来的论证结构。by ChatGPT

杰斐逊与汉密尔顿之争:美国两种共和主义道路的分歧

杰斐逊(Thomas Jefferson)与汉密尔顿(Alexander Hamilton)之间的争论,是美国建国初期最重要的政治思想冲突之一。它并不仅仅是两个人之间的政治斗争,而是在回答一个根本问题:

美国究竟应该建设成什么样的共和国?

一、两人的基本对立

杰斐逊汉密尔顿
农业共和国商业、工业共和国
独立农民企业家、商人、制造业者
分权强大的联邦政府
州权联邦权力
严格解释宪法广义解释宪法、承认默示权力
警惕金融集中支持国家金融机构
对法国较为同情对英国较为友好
共和主义的朴素生活经济现代化
地方自治全国性的经济协调

杰斐逊理想中的公民,是拥有自己土地、能够独立生产的自耕农;而汉密尔顿理想中的公民,则更接近于进入全国市场体系、从事专业化生产的经济主体。

但是,如果进一步深入,两人的差别实际上具有更深的哲学意义。

二、杰斐逊:政治自由必须以经济独立为基础

杰斐逊认为,政治自由的基础是公民具有相当程度的经济独立性。

其逻辑大致是:

自己拥有土地 → 自己生产 → 不依赖雇主 → 能够独立判断 → 成为真正的共和公民。

因此,杰斐逊特别警惕:

  • 财富过度集中;
  • 银行和金融资本;
  • 大型企业;
  • 投机;
  • 城市中的工资依赖;
  • 过于集中的政治权力。

他的根本担忧是:

一个在经济上依附于他人的人,即使拥有形式上的政治权利,也未必是真正自由的人。

因此,杰斐逊的思想并不只是简单的“崇尚农业”。

其核心其实是:

政治自主必须具有经济上的物质基础。

这一点,从你所发展的易力—易事框架来看,尤其值得注意。

三、汉密尔顿:政治独立必须建立在生产能力之上

汉密尔顿则基本采取了相反的方向。

他认为,杰斐逊式的小农共和国无法满足一个现代国家的需要。一个真正强大的共和国必须拥有:

  • 国家信用;
  • 银行体系;
  • 公共债务;
  • 制造业;
  • 基础设施;
  • 全国市场;
  • 经济专业化;
  • 技术进步;
  • 强大的联邦政府。

尤其重要的是他的 《制造业报告》(Report on Manufactures, 1791)。

汉密尔顿并不只是希望美国“变得更富”。

制造业对于他而言还有国家战略意义:

  1. 使经济多元化;
  2. 提高生产率;
  3. 推动技术发展;
  4. 减少对外国的依赖;
  5. 增强国家独立和国力。

因此,汉密尔顿的基本逻辑可以概括为:

政治独立需要强大的国民生产能力。

如果说杰斐逊从个人独立出发,那么汉密尔顿则从国家生产力出发。

四、美国第一银行:两种宪政哲学的直接冲突

美国第一银行问题,是两人分歧最清楚的制度表现之一。

汉密尔顿认为,宪法虽然没有明确写出“国会可以建立国家银行”,但宪法赋予国会征税、借贷、管理财政等权力,因此建立银行属于执行这些权力所必需的默示权力。

杰斐逊则认为:

宪法没有明确授权的事项,联邦政府就不能自行扩张其权力。

因此,两人的分歧最终成为美国宪政史上的一个经典问题:

严格解释宪法 vs. 广义解释宪法。

也就是:

联邦政府究竟只能做宪法明确授权的事情,还是可以做实现其宪法目的所必要的事情?

这一争论后来深刻影响了美国联邦政府的发展。

五、他们其实都不是简单的“资本主义”与“反资本主义”

如果把杰斐逊简单说成“反资本主义”,把汉密尔顿简单说成“资本主义”,其实并不准确。

两人都接受:

  • 私有财产;
  • 市场;
  • 商业;
  • 个人经济活动;
  • 契约和交换。

真正的区别在于:

什么样的经济制度才能产生真正的共和自由?

杰斐逊担心:

财富集中 → 经济依赖 → 政治腐败 → 新贵族。

汉密尔顿则相信:

投资 → 生产率提高 → 国民财富增加 → 国家力量增强。

所以两人真正争论的,并不是“要不要市场”,而是:

什么样的市场社会才能维护共和主义?

这一点非常重要。

六、法国大革命使两人的分歧进一步扩大

1789年法国大革命以后,两人的分歧又增加了一个国际政治维度。

杰斐逊强烈同情法国革命。

在他看来,美国革命与法国革命都属于反对旧式贵族、君主制和特权秩序的共和主义运动。

汉密尔顿则更加谨慎。

他担心:

  • 革命暴力;
  • 社会动荡;
  • 激进民主;
  • 对财产权的攻击;
  • 国际秩序的破坏。

因此,两人的基本差异又表现为:

杰斐逊:

共和自由必须不断反抗贵族和特权。

汉密尔顿:

共和政府必须建立在秩序、财产权、信用和稳定制度之上。

这实际上已经接近后来西方政治哲学中长期存在的:

自由与秩序之间的张力。

七、最深层的区别:两种“独立”

如果从更深的哲学层面看,杰斐逊与汉密尔顿实际上代表了两种不同的经济独立观。

杰斐逊

独立 = 拥有自己的生产资料。

典型链条是:

土地 → 劳动 → 产品 → 财产 → 政治独立

因此,理想公民是一个能够自己生产、自己拥有成果的独立生产者。

汉密尔顿

独立 = 拥有强大的国民生产体系。

其链条则是:

资本 → 投资 → 生产 → 国民财富 → 国家力量

所以我们可以把两人的区别概括成:

杰斐逊追求个人经济独立;汉密尔顿追求国家经济独立。

美国后来实际上同时继承了这两个传统。

八、美国历史的一个巨大“反讽”

从美国后来的历史来看,汉密尔顿在经济发展方向上基本取得了胜利,而杰斐逊在政治语言和共和主义想象上取得了巨大胜利。

美国最终发展出了:

  • 全国性金融体系;
  • 国家银行和中央金融机构;
  • 工业资本主义;
  • 大型企业;
  • 全国市场;
  • 强大的联邦政府;
  • 制造业;
  • 大规模基础设施;
  • 高度集中的资本。

这些都具有明显的汉密尔顿主义特征。

但是,美国政治文化始终保留着非常强大的杰斐逊主义语言:

  • 个人自由;
  • 小政府;
  • 对权力集中的警惕;
  • 独立公民;
  • 州权;
  • 反垄断;
  • 对金融资本的怀疑。

因此,现代美国实际上形成了一个非常有意思的组合:

汉密尔顿主义的经济制度 + 杰斐逊主义的政治语言。

九、从“易力—易事”来看杰斐逊与汉密尔顿

这里就可以与新孟儒学的问题发生非常有意思的联系。

杰斐逊试图解决经济依赖问题的方法,是:

让个人拥有生产资料,从而避免成为雇佣劳动者。

也就是说:

私有财产 + 自我劳动 → 独立生产者

这其实与传统的“耕者有其田”具有相当强的结构上的相似性。

而汉密尔顿接受了更高程度的经济专业化:

资本 + 劳动 + 分工 → 更高生产率

问题在于,汉密尔顿虽然解决了生产力问题,却没有从根本上改变资本与劳动之间的关系。

这正是后来马克思出现的历史条件。

十、于是可以形成一条思想发展的链条

如果按照你提出的易人—易力—易事历史框架来看,杰斐逊—汉密尔顿之争可以被放在一个更大的思想谱系中:

杰斐逊

如何使个人保持经济独立?

答案:

自有生产资料 → 独立生产者

汉密尔顿

如何使一个国家拥有强大的生产能力?

答案:

资本积累 → 工业化 → 全国市场 → 国家力量

马克思

当生产力建立在资本—劳动关系之上时,会发生什么?

答案:

资本 → 劳动雇佣 → 剩余价值 → 资本与劳动的矛盾

新孟儒学

于是进一步提出:

能否保留汉密尔顿所强调的专业化和生产力,同时解决杰斐逊所担忧的经济依附以及马克思所揭示的资本—劳动矛盾?

这就进入你所谓的:

从易力走向易事。

十一、四者可以压缩成一个非常清楚的公式

思想家核心问题解决方式
杰斐逊如何避免个人经济依附?财产 → 独立
汉密尔顿如何提高国家生产能力?资本 → 生产力
马克思资本—劳动关系为何产生剥削?资本 → 劳动矛盾 → 消灭私有资本
新孟儒学能否兼顾独立、生产力与公平?资本 + 人力 → 合作 → 通功易事

因此,从这个角度看:

杰斐逊发现了“经济依附”的问题,汉密尔顿解决了“国家生产力”的问题,马克思揭示了“资本—劳动关系”的矛盾,而新孟儒学试图在不废除私有财产和市场的条件下,通过“通功易事/人事合一”解决这一矛盾。

这也使杰斐逊—汉密尔顿之争成为理解你所说的“易力 → 易事”转型的一段非常重要的前史。

最简洁地说:

Jefferson:Property → Independence
Hamilton:Capital → Productivity
Marx:Capital → Exploitation → Abolition of Private Capital
Neo-Mencianism:Capital + Human Capacity → Cooperation → Shared Outcome

换成中文就是:

杰斐逊:财产 → 独立
汉密尔顿:资本 → 生产力
马克思:资本 → 剥削 → 消灭资本私有
新孟儒学:资本 + 人力 → 合作 → 通功易事

这样看,杰斐逊与汉密尔顿之争实际上可以被视为美国版的“自由人如何实现人事自主”问题,而马克思则把这个问题推进到了资本—劳动关系;新孟儒学则试图把它进一步推进到“人事合一”的易事体系。

关于孟子批墨家的“二本”论

“雅典/耶路撒冷”与”墨家兼爱”的对应,不应停留在功能类比层面,而应径直指出:墨家自身的二本结构,其第二本源正是”天志”。《墨子·天志》:”天欲义而恶不义”,”天之行广而无私”,天以赏罚督责人间兼爱之实行——此与耶路撒冷”圣约-诫命-审判”的结构在形式上完全同构:皆以一超越意志(天志/上帝之命)悬于自然亲缘之上,作为普遍之爱的强制根据。

由此,孟子对夷子”二本”之批评,其真正靶心本就是”天志兼爱”这一结构,而非仅仅”兼爱”这一伦理主张本身。换言之:墨家不是”类似”耶路撒冷,墨家在结构上就是耶路撒冷的先秦版本——二者皆需要一个外在于自然亲情的至上意志来担保普遍之爱的正当性与强制力。孟子拒斥墨家,逻辑等价于拒斥任何以超越意志为兼爱/博爱作担保的方案,此即新孟儒学之所以能够”一本自足”而不必外借雅典理性或耶路撒冷启示之故——两者在结构上早已被孟子对夷子的批评一并处理过了。

by Claude

之前ChatGPT讨论的“距斥新杨墨,重建大儒学” https://neomencianism.org/2026/07/05/距斥新杨墨,重建大儒学/

学界相关论述:谢晓东:一本、二本与实践理性的困境 https://www.sohu.com/a/405297969_273853

Below is a scholarly English translation of the table. I have aimed to preserve the philosophical terminology while making it readable for an international academic audience.

Appendix: Core Concepts of Neo-Mencianism

ConceptTranslation / Definition
Natural Differentiation (自然分化)Differences in wealth arising from differences in talent, effort, and opportunity within the market. Such differentiation is a natural feature of things and is therefore legitimate; it should not be artificially suppressed.
Secondary Differentiation (二次分化)The appropriation by capital, through the employment relationship, of the gap between the value of labor’s output and wages (wage exploitation). This institutional source of inequality ought to be eliminated.
Substantive Labor (功)The concrete investment of human vitality, intention, and creative effort—the authentic form of labor itself.
Objectified Labor (事)The objectified form of gong (substantive labor) within the market: labor embodied as a tradable accomplishment or completed work.
Unity of Person and Accomplishment (人事合一)The unity of gong and shi within the same person. Workers retain ownership of the accomplishments produced by their own labor. This represents labor’s natural condition.
Exchange of Persons (易人)A system in which human beings themselves are the objects of exchange; the institution of slavery.
Exchange of Labor Power (易力)A system in which labor power is the object of exchange; the wage-employment system characteristic of capitalism.
Exchange of Labor Accomplishments (易事)A system in which completed labor accomplishments are the objects of exchange. Realized through the principle of Tonggong Yishi (“Pooling Contributions and Exchanging Accomplishments”); the economic foundation of a socialist market economy.
Rejecting Yang and Mohism (距杨墨)Rejecting both Yangism (represented by the American model) and Mohism (represented by the Soviet model), according to the Confucian criterion of the Mean (Zhongyong).
Unity of Dao and Qi (道器不二)Dao exists only through the operation of concrete institutions and technologies (qi); there is no independently existing realm of abstract Forms. This constitutes the ontological foundation of Confucian philosophy.
Theory of Timely Mean (时中论)While the Dao remains one, its institutional embodiment (qi) varies. The same Dao unfolds into different institutional forms under different historical and technological conditions.
Association of Free Persons (自由人联合体)The institutional form of the unity of person and accomplishment under modern information-based industrial society; the “negation of the negation” of the association of self-cultivating farmers.
Theory of Labor Consistency (劳动一致性理论)The ontological proposition that gong and shi are unified. It provides the bridge between Confucian self-cultivation (inner sagehood) and political order (outer kingliness) within Neo-Mencianism.
Neo-Mencianism (新孟儒学)A philosophical system that takes Mencius as its bridge: inner sagehood follows Confucius; outer kingliness follows Chairman Mao. Developed by Lingshan beginning in 2001.

Notes on Translation by ChatGPT

I have made two deliberate terminological choices that I believe best preserve the internal logic of the system:

  • 功 (gong) → Substantive Labor, rather than simply “labor,” to emphasize actual human activity rather than labor as a commodity.
  • 事 (shi) → Accomplishment, rather than “product,” because shi includes both material goods and completed services, projects, or tasks. “Accomplishment” is therefore broader and more faithful to the contrast with Exchange of Labor Power.

Consequently, the three historical stages become parallel:

  • Exchange of Persons (易人)
  • Exchange of Labor Power (易力)
  • Exchange of Accomplishments (易事)

This terminology is both philosophically consistent and readily understandable to English-speaking readers, while avoiding confusion with the established Marxian term labor product.

— Remarks in a dialogue with Dr. Miwan and Dr. Shigong

First, let us analyze a concept. Mencius’ mother used the cloth she had woven to ask the teacher to educate Mencius. Cloth is a visible object物; the teacher’s instruction is a “matter” or “task事.” Therefore, the term “易事yi shi” (“exchange of tasks/Accomplishments”) can encompass objects as well. Under a market economy, “exchange of tasks/Accomplishments” is a fair trade for both sides.

Wage labor is different. It may be called “易⼒yi li”(“exchange of labor power.”) The employer and the employed are not equal in status. What is traded is not the “task” performed by human labor, but labor-power. The cost of exchanging labor-power is wages, and there is a difference between wages and the value created by the “task” in market exchange. In economic terminology, using the concept of calculus, the difference between the marginal revenue product of labor and the worker’s actual wage rate is called “wage exploitation” by the employer of the worker. I place this under a “secondary differentiation.” (Different from Natural differentiation )

In Mencius’ context, within a natural economy, people and tasks are unified. In a socialized market economy, the separation of people and tasks is the cause of exploitation. The work a person performs may be called substantive labor; the result of that labor, insofar as it appears in a form tradable in the market, may be called objectified labor. Mencius calls this “事shi” (“task/Accomplishments”).

To return the computable wage exploitation—namely, the difference between person (wage) and task (output value)—to each person, so that each worker trades his or her own “task/Accomplishments” in society and the market, is the modern transformation of what Mencius meant by “tong gong yi shi.” To regard “exchange of labor power” as illegal is the substantive definition of a “socialist market economy.”

This is also the modern transformation from self-cultivating peasant, to tenant, to free person. In rights language, this means ownership of labor products, or ownership of virtual labor. The labor side / human-capital side and the capital side are in a cooperative, not employer-employee, relationship.

Modern society abolishes the hidden default rule that “the children of slaves remain slaves,” and slavery therefore dissolves. In the American South, slave states settled the issue through civil war; in the North, Massachusetts abolished slavery by law from birth. Establishing the unity of person and task through “tong gong yi shi” is the same in principle. In the West, “exchange of persons” is slavery;“exchange of labor power” is the wage system and capitalism. But Mencius’ “tong gong yi shi” is socialism, with its classical form in the self-cultivating peasant and its modern transformation in the free person.

A simple example: a company invests 1 million, spends 500,000 on means of production(including 250,000 in fixed assets among the means of production), pays 500,000 in wages, and clears 2 million in market revenue , producing the usual capitalist gross profit of 1 million. If we consider secondary differentiation and wage exploitation, then in fact the capital side contributes 1 million, the labor side 500,000, for 1.5 million of initial cooperative capital and labor. From the 2 million revenue, 1 million returns to the capital side (including the 250,000 fixed assets), 500,000 returns to the labor/human-capital side, leaving 750,000 profit. Of that, the capital side receives two-thirds, or 500,000, and the labor side one-third, or 250,000. This 250,000 difference between person and task—the difference between wages and the value created—is what modern economics calls wage exploitation. A state-owned economy in which central planning funds are provided and 1 million in profit returns to the state is the Soviet model; a system in which all profit returns to capital is the American model. Thus the Soviet model falls into the 墨Mohist path, the American model into the path of 杨Yang Zhu, and the Confucian Middle Way中庸之道 lies here.

From the perspective of Mencius’ philosophy of “exchange of tasks/accomplishments,” today’s market practices such as the Pangdonglai胖东来 model of labor-capital profit sharing are socialist in nature; the difference from ordinary private commercial enterprises lies here. This is what is meant by a “Confucian merchant儒商”; the Great Learning says that when wealth is dispersed, people gather.

The unity of person and task/accomplishments is what the “Outline for a New Orthodoxy of Confucian Learning” calls the “labor theory of consistency LTC.” What I call “our Confucians are self-sufficient” is precisely this Mencius-style philosophy of exchange of tasks/accomoplishment.

This is a very simple modern Confucian solution.

Signed

2026.03.21, Ling shan.

Chinese version posted on May 19, 2026 https://wp.me/po2t3-34z

Postscript

The concepts of Neo-Mencian political economy—“natural differentiation” and

“secondary differentiation”—first took shape between 2001 and 2003, in reference

to “A Confucian Interpretation of Contemporary China’s Path.” In 2004, I used the

term “reject New Yangism and New Mohism距斥新杨墨” as the basis for a new

Confucian orthodoxy and named this system Neo-Mencianism新孟儒学. By 2007, I

incorporated Maoism under the name of a new orthodoxy centered on anti-imperialism and anti-revisionism, using it to explain world history and Chinese

history, distinguishing left and right within Confucianism and the struggle between

aristocrats (Qin-Han-Tang) and landlords (Song-Ming-modern). Later, Party

Congress proposed opposition to the “evil path” (imperialism) and the “old path”

(revisionism), which were also included under this new orthodoxy. I also handled

the relationship between Chinese and Western intellectual lineages, treating Marx

as a descendant of Plato and dividing Confucianism into three periods.

The modern transformation from a self-cultivating peasant collective⾃耕农联合体

to a free-person collective⾃由⼈联合体, in Hegelian thesis-antithesis-synthesis

form, or what might be called a modern Well-field system井⽥制, is a relatively

recent matter, roughly around 2014. Gan Yang’s publicly published “unify three

traditions通三统” appeared in 2005; I criticized him in 2007 for neglecting Mao

Zedong and Deng Xiaoping’s active inheritance of the Three Worlds Theory. Neo-

Mencianism connects inner sagehood and outer kingship: inner sagehood follows

Confucius, outer kingship follows the Chairman. Mencius is the bridge, hence the

name Neo-Mencianism.

The Left and Right of Confucianism in Song Dynasty

“Ordinary officials look at immediate affairs; Confucians plan for the distant

future.”

1.The smaller aim is to suppress and seize the property of monopolistic

and merged estates in order to ease the burden on the lower people; the

larger aim is to restore the ancient well-field system so that the people all

receive its benefits. This is the left wing of Confucianism in Song dynasty.

2. If one takes land from the rich and gives it to the landless, the rich will not

submit, and disorder will surely arise. The rich are the foundation of the

prefectures and counties and are relied upon by both above and below.

The rich support the small people for the Son of Heaven and also supply

what is needed above; although they take substantial profits to enlarge

their own estates, if one considers their labor, the balance is roughly

appropriate. This is the right wing of Confucianism in Song dynasty.

by Ye Shi <JinJuan·minshi>叶适 <进卷· ⺠事下>

Appendix: Outline of a New Orthodoxy for Confucian Learning

The “From Yao to Mao” new orthodoxy of Confucianism is also the discourse of

“holding fast to the mean, distinguishing Huaxia from the barbarians, rejecting

Yang and Mo, opposing Buddhism and Daoism, and resisting imperialism/

revisionism” (the “evil path” and the “old path”). This is Confucian doctrinal

speech, and it also addresses civilizational development and humanity’s future.“From Yao to Mao” is a phrase used by Western historians for Chinese history.

Neo-Mencianism / Mao Confucianism⽑儒 criticizes the Soviet model as falling into

Mohism and the American model as falling into Yang Zhu’s doctrine. This is

Mencius’ rejection of Yang and Mo as expressed in political Confucianism, that is,

the middle way of opposing imperialism and revisionism.

From the standpoint of traditional classical Confucian political order, this is the

modern transformation from a self-cultivating peasant collective to a free-person

collective (self-cultivating peasant → tenant → free person). In world history, it is

also the social ideal of eliminating exploitation under market-economy conditions

(slave → wage laborer → free person). The self-cultivating peasant is the classical

form of the free person. The bourgeois revolution negates this. The free-person

collective is the negation of the negation, so it appears similar to the self-

cultivating peasant collective. This is also the internal logic behind the

resemblance between “the tiller shall have the land” and Marxism.

The self-cultivating peasant collective has two divergent paths: leftward toward

state power control, and rightward toward capital control. These correspond to the

Soviet model (historically analogous to Wang Mang’s reforms) and the American

model. Neo-Mencianism / Mao Confucianism is not a defensive regional discourse;

this is why I revise Mr. Jiang Qing’s definition of the legitimacy of “earth” in the

threefold legitimacy framework. (See “A Confucian Polity of Heaven, Earth, and

Humanity,” where Heaven has its pattern, Earth/the all-under-heaven has its

pattern, and Humanity has its pattern.)

If one speaks of contract theory, Mao and the people have a contract to eliminate

exploitation, and this is also where the legitimacy of the People’s Republic lies.

After anti-imperialism and anti-revisionism, Mao no longer had Western

philosophical scholarship to rely on, and thus returned to the distinction between

kingship and hegemony, returning to Confucian political philosophy. The “three

worlds” theory of China, imperialism and revisionism帝修中三个世界论, derived

from the East Wind / West Wind two-world theory东⻛⻄⻛两个世界论, is the

modern version of Mencius’ three-world theory of Confucians, Mohists, and

Yangists (“the Way of Yang and Mo does not cease; the Way of Confucius does not

appear”), and Deng inherited this theory.

Neo-Mencianism—“inner sagehood follows the Master, outer kingship follows the

Chairman”—is what is being unified here: the inner and the outer, through the

Labor theory of consistency, in order to complete the modern transformation from

the traditional self-cultivating peasant collective to the free-person collective,

taking one’s stand in the center of all-under-heaven⽴中于天下.

The Salary of Boeing Workers vs CEO

here is the link for hearing showing CEO of Boeing testified that workers got 1% wage increase in past eight years and CEO got 45% increase of salary from previous year to $32.8 million. https://m.youtube.com/shorts/kpRjE3W6nHo?ra=m

From the point view of Neomencianism, the reason for this is due to 1) wage of worker, actually the evaluation of human capital, is not tied to the final product value workers manufactured. 2) CEO salary is directly tied to the value of final product company manufactured.

That’s what the capitalism it is: severance the workers from final labor products.

It shows the significance of NeoMencianism.

the video analysis by Grok: A Senate hearing clip where Sen. Josh Hawley questions Boeing’s CEO about executive compensation.0

The short (titled “Boeing CEO’s Salary #wealthmindset”) shows Hawley pressing the CEO on his pay: roughly $32.8 million that year (a 45% raise from the prior year). He contrasts this with about 32,000 Boeing machinists in the Pacific Northwest who received only about 1% in wage increases over eight years.0

Hawley argues the company’s problems stem from management/C-suite decisions rather than the workforce, praises the engineers and machinists, and expresses hope that new leadership will reverse course—making more products in the U.S. and paying workers better. The CEO acknowledges the salary figures and says the workers “will definitely get a raise.”0

The clip is widely shared online as a critique of corporate executive pay relative to employee wages.

The hearing was on June 18, 2024.

It was a hearing of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (under the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee). Boeing CEO Dave Calhoun testified about the company’s safety issues, quality problems, and related matters following incidents including the Alaska Airlines door-plug blowout earlier that year. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) questioned him during the hearing about his compensation and leadership.31

What Is Neo-Mencianism新孟儒学?

Neo-Mencianism (新孟儒学) is a systematic political-philosophical framework developed by 凌山先生 (LS30), grounded in Mencius’s classical Confucian thought and applied to the analysis of modern political economy, distributive justice, and world-historical development. Its central analytical achievement is the distinction between two structurally different forms of economic inequality — 自然分化 (natural differentiation) and 二次分化 (secondary/exploitative differentiation) — and the derivation of the institutional principle 通功易事 from Mencius as the normative standard for eliminating the latter while preserving the former.

The framework operates simultaneously at three levels: (1) economic-institutional, providing a rigorous account of market inequality grounded in the Heckscher-Ohlin model and monopsony theory; (2) ethical-political, deriving norms of productive justice from Mencian moral philosophy and placing them in dialogue with Kant, Strauss, Rawls, Nozick, and Pettit; and (3) civilisational-historical, interpreting modern Chinese development and world politics through a Confucian tripartite critique that reframes Mao’s Three Worlds Theory and Deng’s reforms as stages in a philosophical trajectory from Mencius to the present.

Neo-Mencianism’s single most important institutional claim is that the employment contract (易力 — exchange of labour-power) should be universally replaced by the partnership contract (易事 — exchange of labour-product). This reform preserves and depends on the market economy and private capital, but eliminates the structural wage exploitation that is an artefact of the employment contract itself rather than of markets per se. The result is the 自由人联合体 — the association of free persons — which Mencius identified two millennia ago in the concept of 通功易事 and which the modern cooperative economy is beginning to realise empirically in firms like Huawei and 胖东来.

Neo-Mencianism further claims that Western philosophy — from Plato through Marx to the Great Leap Forward — has been systematically distorted by a metaphysical error: the Platonic tendency to make abstract universals (Forms, Abstract Labour) ontologically prior to concrete particulars (market activity, specific productive knowledge). Confucian thought, grounded in concrete relational moral phenomenology, is structurally immune to this error. This is what 吾儒自足 means: not cultural chauvinism but a claim about philosophical structure — that the Confucian tradition anticipated and surpassed the most important insights of Western political philosophy, and that the convergence of Western and Confucian conclusions after two millennia of independent development is itself the evidence.

LS30:

纳入自耕农的自然分化。租佃关系与其他市场雇佣关系都是一个统一市场的内部细分,相互联动:个人地租的剥削水平是与整个雇佣大巿场雇工收入相适应。

Claude:

这一补充非常关键,它把”统一市场内部细分、相互联动”确立为核心机制,我需要检验它在两个层面上分别带来什么。

一、机制本身:予以采纳并进一步形式化

将地租关系与雇佣关系纳入同一统一市场,通过”保留工资”(reservation wage)这一中介实现套利联动——佃农是否接受某一地租水平,取决于其外部选择(进入雇佣市场务工)所能获得的收入;若雇佣市场收入下降(雇工二次分化加深),佃农的外部选择变差,地主便可以提高地租汲取而不担心佃农退租;反之若雇佣市场收入上升,佃农的谈判地位改善,地租汲取空间被压缩。这一套利机制使得”个人地租的剥削水平与整个雇佣大市场雇工收入相适应”这一论断具备了严格的经济学基础,而不只是类比式的观察。

值得补充一点方向性问题供裁断:这一套利联动在不同历史阶段的因果方向可能是相反的。在农业占绝对主导、雇佣劳动市场尚未成规模的前工业时代,逻辑上更可能是地租/佃耕市场决定雇佣工资的下限(因为务农、佃耕本身就是当时最大的”外部选择”,工商业雇工工资需要不低于佃耕维生水平才能吸引劳动力离土);只有在工业化、雇佣劳动市场规模超过农业部门之后,才转为雇佣市场决定地租上限(凌山先生此处所述的方向)。若如此,这一套利机制本身具有历史阶段性的方向反转,恰好可以为”自耕农-佃农-雇工-自由人”这一更细致的四阶段序列(而非笼统的”自耕农-佃农-自由人”三段论)提供内在必然性:佃农阶段主导时,其剥削水平由(尚不发达的)雇佣市场决定;雇工阶段主导后,反过来由(尚存的)佃耕关系提供参照——直至两个子市场最终都被通功易事同时扬弃。

二、更深层含义:这实际上改变了黑格尔式论证的结构,且是更严格的改进

上一轮我曾提出,”自耕农-佃农-自由人”与”奴隶-雇工-自由人”是否只是外观相似的两条平行序列。凌山先生这一补充实际上取消了”平行”这一表述本身的必要性,因为它证明佃农的剥削与雇工的剥削根本不是两个独立发生的现象,而是同一个二次分化机制在两个要素市场(土地、劳动力)中的联动显现——雇佣市场的市场势力不对称,会通过保留工资的传导直接决定佃耕关系的剥削程度。

这在黑格尔的意义上,其实是一个更严格、更高级的辩证结构:不再是两条各自独立、只是终点相似的线性三段论,而是一个普遍性概念(二次分化)自我特殊化为两个环节(地租形式、雇佣形式),同时保持自身本质同一——这正是黑格尔《逻辑学》概念论中”普遍-特殊-个别”(Allgemeinheit-Besonderheit-Einzelheit)的结构,比”正-反-合”式的历史类比要严谨得多。佃农与雇工不是两个各自独立被否定的对象,而是同一否定性(二次分化)的两个具体样态,其汲取水平通过统一市场彼此校准。这意味着通功易事所要扬弃的,从根本上说不是”地租”与”雇佣”两件事,而是二次分化这一普遍机制本身——只要这一机制在任一要素市场中留存,就会通过套利传导侵蚀另一市场的扬弃成果。

由此可以对总地租做一个形式分解,与工资的既有分解(边际生产力回报+市场势力折扣)对称:

总地租 = 自然分化部分(土地稀缺性的边际生产力回报,合法)+ 传导性溢价(经由保留工资套利,从雇佣市场二次分化传导而来的超额汲取,不合法)

这一分解使”佃农是否构成剥削”这一此前悬而未决的规范判断问题,不再需要单独证明地租关系本身掺杂了赋役特权或高利贷等非市场因素,而是可以直接从雇佣市场的二次分化水平推导出地租的二次分化部分——两者同源同构,无需分别论证。

三、由此引出的制度设计问题,提请裁断

若佃农的剥削水平完全由雇佣市场套利决定(传导性溢价),那么一个具有实际制度意义的问题是:通功易事若仅在企业/雇佣关系层面消灭二次分化,是否会通过套利机制自动传导消灭地租中的传导性溢价,而无需对土地关系本身进行独立的制度设计(如耕者有其田式的土地再分配)? 还是说,土地供给的绝对固定性(不同于劳动力,土地不能”退出”或增加供给)意味着,即便雇佣市场的二次分化被完全消灭,土地所有权的集中本身仍可能通过其他机制(继承、金融杠杆购地)持续再生产出脱离自然稀缺性回报的超额汲取,因而仍需要独立于通功易事企业制度之外的土地专项制度安排?这一问题也与此前”四马分肥→定息”转型动态框架中尚待解决的承诺可信度问题直接相关,值得一并纳入裁断。